Condemning the Strikes on Sharif University

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TLDRUpFront: No loops or forecast today. Just a personal statement to condemn the targeting of Sharif University in the ongoing war with Iran.

And no State has a right to the tyranny of unrestricted violence.

FullContextInTheBack: 
US military doctrine is clear on what can and cannot be targeted in a conflict, and under what circumstances that can change across Joint (2013), Air Force (2021), and Law of War (2023) doctrines on targeting. Indeed, Sharif University, and so many other targets struck during this conflict, are the very examples given of what should be included on “No Strike Lists” as civilian institutions or cultural properties (see AFPD 3-60 p48; JP 3-60 ppII-13; DoD LOW Manual p269 and all of section 5.18 p301-320). I understand there are exceptions to these rules, as described by precedent, procedure, and process in the above documents.
But as a scientist and analyst, if you want me to believe your case, you must show me the evidence. And I have seen no evidence that justifies this targeting as meeting military necessity, and I know from experience it won’t aid our efforts. Instead, I fear, in the age of AI, we have, as retired General and former Secretary of Defense James Mattis recently warned, replaced “strategy” with “targetry”. A ChatGPT doctrine to target lists in support of a vibe-statecraft approach to warmaking.
Bombing Sharif University is like bombing MIT or the University of Maryland. The hypothetical claim that a student, instructor, or laboratory might ‘one day’ contribute to a military threat is not a sufficient justification under our doctrine, laws, and treaties to strike it today. Unfortunately, I don’t think the current US administration would be any more deterred from bombing MIT or the University of Maryland than they would be from bombing Sharif University, so I don’t imagine these words will sway minds.
Please do not mistake this condemnation as coming from a pacifist. And this isn’t an endorsement for the Iranian regime, which has murdered tens of thousands of its own people. I support the pursuit of our national security interests and the liberation of people suppressed by their own revolutionary means, when necessary, through force. But the force we use must abide by our doctrines, laws, treaty obligations, and the spirit of who we are as a people.
If you need to take this condemnation as an endorsement, consider it an endorsement of an order for the world that should, ought, and must draw the line between reasonable and unreasonable behavior. Between violence in the limited pursuit of military objectives and precision-based barbarism. An endorsement that, as a first principle, all nations and states agree and abide by the understanding that collective punishment of an entire people, whether in suppression of their freedoms and desires for self-government or as a negotiating leverage point, is wrong. And no State has a right to the tyranny of unrestricted violence.

Discussion

Q: You don’t know exactly what they were doing at Sharif University. I’m pretty sure that the intel the Dept. of War received on that university and what they were doing there was a threat, not only to our national security, but also the security and stability of the entire region. You may know more than I do, with the work you are currently doing. But if they were researching and building weapons and/or extracting and storing weapons-grade nuclear materials there, or if there were high-value soft targets using the university as a cover, then it was, in fact, a legitimate target.
A: That’s why I’m willing to have my opinion changed on the evidence. But the argument “you don’t know” cuts both ways. I know based on doctrine it *shouldn’t* have been targeted, and no justification or evidence has been forthcoming as to *why* it was targeted.  If they have a compelling case, they can release it. If there’s concerns on methods and means of intel gathering, they can brief HASC and SASC (as they have on some of the Caribbean strikes.)  But I think the key thing is the Executive, in its role of commanding the military, doesn’t get a “pass” on checks and balances. We have doctrine for a reason, and we have reasons to act in variance with that doctrine. But with no checks and balances our professional military becomes a military subject to the whims of any President; Republican or Democrat.
Q: I really don’t think Trump and his administration has the time to explain the “why” for every target. Especially if there were high value targets at the location. One small tip to the enemy, one delay, could negate the opportunity to remove the threat. Running a war is not a democratic process. As you very well know, Iran, Hamas, Hezbola, etc are notorious for using schools mosques, hospitals and other civilian buildings and institutions as a cover to prevent them from becoming targets. I think faith in the intel and people planning and executing is necessary for success. We can armchair quarterback this to death but in the end we don’t have the information or knowledge to make a valid judgement call.
A: Of course the military has time. Israeli did it. On every accusation they targeted a hospital or prohibited building, within hours they came out with a package of why they did it. People can of course disagree with that information. But it was out there to disagree with.
And how do I know we can do it? Because, emphasis added, ***we put it in the doctrine to do it.***
I didn’t create that doctrine. It’s not particularly *new* doctrine as you can look at previous versions of the same doctrine and see similar language going back decades. And it’s not like these are outdated editions (like some of our doctrine decades old), these were updated, at least for Air Force and Manual of War in last few years.

If anything the mechanisms to do this and provide this are more automated than ever, and easier to produce the information as to why.

And no, running a war *shouldn’t* be a democratic process. But running the nation, including how we conduct warfare should ought and must be a Republican process if we are to remain a Republic.

There are many countries where political leadership can hide behind the military, using it as they wish without accountability.

But ours shouldn’t be one of them.

Q: Not saying that it was right or conscionable but IRGC have been using mosques and hospitals and other civilian places to hide from Airstrikes.

Is it wishful thinking to think that there was some actionable intel in targeting the university? I’d hate to think our US military is just attacking whatever in violation of these conventions.
A: The documents I listed provide all the contingencies necessary to justify such an action. For example, an Iranian ballistic missile launcher hid inside a civilian tunnel makes the targeting of that tunnel, in some cases, justifiable where it might not otherwise be. (There’s a lot more considerations but that’s the spitball.)
I waited 24hours (which admittedly isn’t the full razor period) for such contingencies to be presented, and as I said in my post if additional evidence is presented, I’m open to changing my mind.

Sources

Original FB Post

Joint Doctrine 3-60 on Targeting (2018)

https://www.esd.whs.mil/Portals/54/Documents/FOID/Reading%20Room/Joint_Staff/21-F-0520_JP_3-60_9-28-2018.pdf

DoD Manual on the Law of War (2023)

https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF

Air Force Doctrine 3-60 on Targeting (2021)

https://www.doctrine.af.mil/Portals/61/documents/AFDP_3-60/3-60-AFDP-TARGETING.pdf